Governance and Social Action in Sudan after the Peace Agreement of January 2005: local, national, and regional dimensions

Cooperative Research Project
Governance and Social Action in Sudan after the Peace Agreement of January 2005: local, national, and regional dimensions

Topics of Research, Main Research Questions, Concepts, Methodologies and Findings

The key elements in this research are governance, on the one hand, social action, on the other, and both are being investigated in a multi-level perspective.

Governance refers to the institutions, organisations, networks and activities that are involved in governing society in the Sudan , Ethiopia and Kenya . Most of the participants in this project apply governance in the sense that it includes activities and structures with the aim of creating and delivering common goods and services for the broader society. The actors involved in governance include public and private organisations and individuals. The research covers a period during which the institutions that are supposed to govern the

Sudan

after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) are still being negotiated between actors of governmental organisations, private actors and actors from both sectors. The actors and organisations involved in this process originate from all levels, ranging from the local, regional, national and sub-regional up to the supranational level.

A minority among the project participants investigates rule, which has to be distinguished from governance. They try to figure out which actors and interests are de facto involved in governing the Sudan and interfere in or even undermine 'governance' in the above normative sense.

Social action in this project denotes the activities of groups of society in relation to the CPA and in response to the changes brought about by the CPA as well as activities that are indirectly linked to the end of the civil war in Sudan and the sub-region. The project participants who examine social action in our research also look into issues that are likely to lead to conflict. They explore the ways societal groups have been dealing with conflicts since 2005 and compare these with the period before the CPA was concluded. Their studies refer to societal groups within Sudan as well as across the borders, mainly to Ethiopia and Kenya . Social action analyses comprise the local, national and the sub-regional levels.

Against this common background the project is split up into sub-topics which can be aggregated to the following five main research fields:

b) Return and repatriation of internally displaced people and refugees after the CPA

The signing of the CPA in 2005 is the point of departure from where local and national political, social, cultural, human-geographical, economic and international institutional changes and rigidities as well as social action are investigated. The project faces a situation where tensions come up because the implementation of parts of the CPA is being delayed. Our research sheds light on the reasons and generates primary information as a basis for an assessment of the conditions for the progress of peace. The research also highlights critical circumstances which may become turning points and looks into the probability of renewed armed conflict (see for a general overview: Grawert/El-Battahani 2007, for the most critical issue of the Abyei area: Berhanu forthcoming). Most of the researchers use a conceptual framework which considers the state not as a homogeneous entity but as consisting of components with sometimes contradictory agendas. The state components, in particular in the peripheral territories of the state, are likely to link up with local social forces and form alliances to pursue particular interests that may differ from state action in other parts of the country (Migdal 2001). The following paragraphs give details.

The research projects in this field are inspired by earlier analyses of the long-term power relations in the Sudan which have been the main political cause of conflict. A dominant elite, the 'Riverine Arab-Muslim Power Block' – 'RAMP' (El-Battahani 2002) continuously marginalised other social groups, in particular in Southern Sudan (Johnson 2003/2005) and in Darfur (Ahmed 2006). The formation of the Government of National Unity (GONU) according to the CPA is an attempt to overcome this rigid pattern by including the former civil war fighters of the SPLA/M (Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement) as a junior partner in the government. The senior partner is the former government party of the president Omar al-Bashir, the NCP (National Congress Party).

How the agreement on Power Sharing, which is part of the CPA, is reflected in the representation of the Sudanese regional constituencies and in the work of the various institutions of the GONU is the research topic for the Master thesis of Rania Hassan: 'Government in Sudan after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement 2005: the implementation of power sharing'. With a quantitative study she analyses the composition of the new political elite at the national level, the regional level of the Government of South Sudan (GOSS) and the state level with the example of Upper Nile State . The scope of action of the political parties represented in the national, regional and state assemblies are investigated with special consideration of the influence particular constituencies, powerful individuals and allies exert on these parties. At the national level, the weight of a hardliner faction of the RAMP is reflected in policy decisions that lead to delays in the implementation of the power sharing agreement. Conclusively Rania Hassan identifies the weakness of the political parties, in particular with regard to their organisational structure, programmes and internal power relations, as one reason for the faltering implementation of the CPA. This weakness opens the door to the persistent influence of dominant groups of the RAMP elite which make use of the political system to secure and maintain control over crucial resources such as land, water and oil. The SPLM has preserved the cohesion of the liberation movement at the national level and tries to increase its weight by winning support in those areas of the country where economic and political marginalisation and exploitation of key resources has alienated large population groups from the state. The transition from a liberation movement to a democratic political party has not been completed, hence structures are preserved that can form the organisational basis for a resumption of the civil war.
This study shows that governance in Sudan is dominated by powerful individuals rather than fairly representative political leaders. These persons tend to maintain power through control over the country's key resources. Their particularistic interests determine the social action of this influential elite. It results in biased policies and delays in the implementation of the CPA.

The PhD research of Yasir Awad Abdalla has the topic 'Political Participation in Sudan : 1989-2008'. The focus of this research is on social action and its links to the political system which forms the framework for wealth and power sharing, the key issues of the CPA. In theory a political system which allows extended political participation is considered as crucial to reach sustainable peace. Hence, Yasir Awad compares definitions from political science theories with definitions that are used amongst local activists. He applies the methodological framework of situational analysis (see Clarke 2005) so as to include the socio-economic and political peculiarities of the country. Qualitative field research was done in the Sudanese capital of Khartoum , Malakal / Upper Nile State in Southern Sudan and in several places in South Kordofan, one of the special areas at the border between northern and southern Sudan which was partly under SPLA control during the civil war. Several alternative notions of participation were collected empirically.
The results with regard to the types of participation currently existing in Sudan vary according to the concept applied. The mainstream definition of political participation focuses on the individuals' characteristics that distinguish participants from non-participants, such as levels of education and income (Verba et al. 1978, Nie et al.1969). If this concept is used, participation in

Sudan

turns out to be an elitist rather than a popular kind of participation. The empirical study of Yasir Awad shows that people in Sudan perceive political participation differently. They tend to consider it as a collective or communal action which aims at achieving collective ends, but is lying mainly outside the formal governmental realm. The situational analysis reveals that Sudanese people in fact are highly engaged in the civic realm of politics. The mode of political engagement varies between regions. In Khartoum it is linked to global civic society. In South Kordofan there are collective and communal modes of participation. In Malakal a social movement mode of participation prevails. These results will have consequences for governance, in particular building the appropriate institutions for non-violent conflict resolution and interest expression of heterogeneous social groups (El-Battahani 2002, see also Tetzlaff 1993).

Land is one of the crucial resources that generate the power of the Sudanese elite, and the lack of equality and justice in land allocation was one of the core causes of civil war in

Sudan

. The central government had the hegemony over decision making on land allocation and marginalised the state and local governance structures. How the implementation of the CPA affects governance with regard to land matters is the topic of the PhD project of Tayseer El-Fatih: 'Decision-Making in Local Governance after the CPA 2005: case study about urban land allocation in Upper Nile and South Kordofan States'.
According to the CPA, a decentralised system is to be introduced within which the governments of the states and local governments are provided with the power over land allocation. In every state of Sudan , land commissions are to judge about claims over land and compensation, review existing land leases and contracts and examine criteria for land allocation. However, three years after the CPA has been signed, local and state land commissions are not in place and land is not being re-allocated. In this study it is assumed that political, economic and cultural challenges contribute to this failure. With a combined actor-oriented and institutionalist approach, organisations, actors and rules are studied with qualitative methods of research in South Kordofan and Upper Nile States .
The preliminary research results show that the social groups that are mainly affected by the allocation of land for urban purposes are farmers, pastoralists and women. Decision-making on land allocation is not only a task of the government but extends beyond the state bodies and includes native as well as civil society organisations. The state authorities involved in allocating land for housing and investment purposes apply autocratic as well as consultative styles of decision making. Decisions to allocate land to specific groups or individuals, though organised by rules and regulations, are made in fact on the basis of personal and political relations, ethnic criteria and according to political and economic benefits for state officials. Continuously weak governance structures, the exclusion of significant actors from decision-making on land allocation and unresolved land conflicts have to be considered as a threat to peace and development.

These preliminary results confirm the basic assumption of the research project that building up governance structures per se is not sufficient to counter state decay and deal constructively with internal conflicts. Transforming previously violent attempts of conflict resolution into peaceful means of debating and problem solving (Reimann 2001) is only one step. A broad range of relevant actors has to be included by opening opportunities for meaningful participation in decision-making and ensuring ownership of the implementation of decisions (Nhema 2004). This is apparently missing in the transitional political system of the Sudan . On the local as well as the national level, governance is dominated by powerful elites who strive at securing control over the most lucrative resources in Sudan . Social action towards extending popular participation takes place largely outside the government. The governance in Sudan is not inclusive but still marginalises considerable population groups.

Displacement and flight, return, repatriation and resettlement are consequences of the civil war in South Sudan and the subsequent peace agreements. They imply large-scale population movements, involvement of international aid agencies and the emergence of new spaces of social action. The return of internally displaced people (IDPs) and refugees poses particular challenges to governance in both the sites of refuge as well as the war-affected areas to which large population groups return. Government authorities at various levels, international aid agencies, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society organisations, the native administration and local institutions of the various ethnic groups, but also diaspora organisations contribute to, compete or contest for participation in governance in the former conflict areas (Grawert 2007). On the other hand, the return of IDPs and refugees initiates processes of social action and has an impact on the social relations in the areas of return. Detailed research has been done on a range of aspects of this complex issue.

The return of large population groups, IDPs as well as migrants, to the Nuba Mountains and Unity State after the CPA has been investigated in the PhD project of Samira Musa Armin Damin: 'The Role of Reverse Migration for Socio-cultural Change in the Nuba Mountains and Unity State '. The study concentrates on the interaction of the returnees with those population groups that had remained in the conflict area. On the one hand, livelihoods and attitudes, skills and habits of IDPs from the Nuba Mountains and Unity State in the receiving areas in Khartoum are examined. On the other hand, the research covers the use returnees make of the newly acquired abilities and behaviours in some villages in Dilling Locality and the outskirts of Dilling Town in the Nuba Mountains as well as in Bentiu in Unity State . Changes in the local livelihood systems, practices and concerns, but also the ways how different ethnic groups manage to co-exist peacefully after the CPA are investigated. An analysis of opinions about the CPA and its value with regard to the hopes and aspirations of the returnees is added.
Samira Musa applies a social geography approach und uses quantitative as well as qualitative methods to study population movements and their socio-economic and cultural implications (Al-Dagass 1995, Al-Hadi 1996). The study confirms that the civil war in Southern Sudan and the Nuba Mountains was the main push factor for displacement and consequently, the restoration of peace and security in these areas has been the most important factor for the return of IDPs. The second important factor for return stems from the receiving areas. It is the marginalisation of IDPs in the urban areas and inadequate employment opportunities due to the low qualification and limited skills.
Besides peace and improved security, there are further pull factors attracting IDPs to return. In particular for the elders the freedom of movement for individuals and communities is greater in the home areas than in the urban IDP settlements, and the social cohesion is much stronger. They tend to commit themselves to reactivating the local culture, traditions and customs in contrast to the government-induced acculturation in the Arabised system in Khartoum . The younger returnees have acquired and brought with them new ideas and practices from their host communities. On this basis, a number of them seek opportunities for investment in agriculture and livestock production. For many youth, political reasons are a major factor for return. Those who become politically active mostly join the SPLM.
These preliminary research results show that the CPA induces considerable social change in the war-affected areas. Apparently, social resistance against Arabisation is expressed by a new emphasis on indigenous culture, however with influences from returnees' experiences with the dominant northern Sudanese culture promoted by the RAMP, the ruling elite. Another expression of opposition against the dominant system occurs in the political realm by strengthening the SPLM, the party representing the struggle against marginalisation during the civil war.

A new emphasis on ethnic identity has also been disclosed in the Master's research of Obaka John Otieno: 'Identity and Citizenship in Post-conflict Reform and Re-integration: the case of Southern Sudan '. This research provides a critical analysis of repatriation, local integration and resettlement, the three ‘durable solutions’ to the refugee problem that are prioritised by the UNHCR. It is important to take into account that these solutions are state-centric as they try to secure individuals' civic citizenship. Using a rational choice approach, the study reveals that civic citizenship (state-ascribed identity) has a marginal impact on reintegration compared to other forms of identity (Rogowski 1974, Armstrong 1982). Citizenship per se cannot adequately guarantee the protection of informal rights that have been lost upon flight, in particular 'the right to belong'. Most southern Sudanese have lived in conditions that have relegated their Sudanese citizenship to an inferior position compared to the informal identities such as the ethnic identity or the ‘southerner’ identity, which they create and re-create in the struggle for access to resources and opportunities. At the time of signing the CPA, nearly all southern Sudanese nationals were without formal citizenship. In the wake of repatriation, the only time resilience is put on the importance of citizenship is in reference to the voting rights in the impending referendum in 2001. And even then, the precondition for citizenship is still predicated on belonging to other identities such as an ethnic community of South Sudan .

This study illuminates ethnic, religious and gender identities as well as other forms of quasi and micro-identities of ‘we’ and ‘they’, which people acquire and shed in the social re-adjustment to the realities of re-integration. Through the analysis of the perception of identity by refugees, this research clarifies that institutionalised secure access to resources and opportunities has to be at the centre of the return process. This poses again a great challenge to governance.

How refugees deal with the challenges of return in socio-economic terms and in particular, how returnees make use of networks established during the stay in exile, is the topic of the Master's research of Matendo Lokiru: 'Effects of Social Networks on Livelihoods in Exile and Return: the case of Southern Sudanese refugees in Kenya'. Livelihood denotes the factors which determine the living gained by the individual or household. This includes natural, human, financial and social capital as well as the activities required to gain access to these, mediated by institutions and social relations (Chambers / Conway 1991; Ellis 2000). Based on social capital created in livelihood systems, social networks are formed. They include formal and informal social groups or associations in which members communicate and support each other with regard to issues of mutual benefit of a social, cultural, economic or political nature.
The study amongst Southern Sudanese refugees and aid agencies in Kakuma refugee camp revealed that social networks primarily protect the rights and access of members to claims and resources. They caution refugees from severe livelihood shocks such as ration reductions, inadequate assistance and unmet needs and sustain self-help and support mechanisms, in particular for the disabled, aged and minors. Social networks help refugees to develop their human capital, especially higher education through scholarships funded by remittances. They also aid and promote the acquisition of marketable skills and literacy among women and girls. These networks may facilitate migration to more attractive places in urban areas, Europe and America . A further aspect is that they reinforce identity and the obligation to provide and receive livelihood support within identity-orientated units.

Another Master's research concentrates on social action regarding children. The study of Marilyn Ossome: 'Southern Sudanese Children between Socialisation in Kenya and Re-socialisation in Sudan ' starts from the assumption that war and protracted refugee situations damage the psychological and social development of children. Other studies have shown that in protracted refugee situations the cultural environment has a great impact on individuals in their formative years. The socialisation of children moves away from the nuclear family and clan towards a heavier dependence upon the community for child protection, thus making their socialisation process more subject to external rather than internal influences (Boyden 1990). With focus group discussions and guideline interviews Marilyn Ossome collected information on war-affected children from governmental institutions, aid agencies, NGOs, guardians and parents of children in the Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya and in Malakal and Bor, two of the war-affected sites in Southern Sudan .
The study reveals that frequent incidences of abduction, forced confinement and sexual violence against young women and girls among the Sudanese in the Kakuma refugee camp seriously undermine cultural ideals and create a state of neglect and lawlessness. On the part of the Southern Sudanese society, much of it is justified by cultural habits and practices. Even the aid agencies and law enforcing institutions tackle such human rights violations only superficially. Marilyn Ossome points out that in the institutional responses to the abuse of refugee women and girls, de facto existing legal gaps between international refugee laws and the Human Rights Convention become very pronounced. As a consequence, significant changes in the governance of refugee camps and repatriation processes will be required if protection of children is taken seriously.

The research about the return of IDPs and refugees in this project provides insights into the social interactions within the large-scale re-integration process into the war-affected Southern Sudanese society. The repatriation programmes of the UNHCR and other international aid agencies and the efforts of the government are part of this research, but the focus is on the social processes taking place in the local societies at the Sudanese and Kenyan research sites. The studies amongst refugees in Kenya reveal that refugges establish their own community governance in the diaspora in a way which they derive from the culture of their areas of origin. This overlaps with governance by aid agencies and the rules and laws of the government hosting the refugees. The outcome is ambiguous, in the areas of refuge as well as when it comes to return, repatriation and re-integration. Leadership and identity may become contested issues and culture may provide the pretext for human rights abuses (see also Omosa 2004; Wassara forthcoming).

The CPA has largely settled the armed struggle between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the SPLA. However, it has not provided particular settlements of conflicts within the Southern Sudanese society. Moreover, it does not include solutions for conflicts that have grown on the ground of a war-torn society that has also been militarised for a long time. And it does not consider the particular conflict patterns of those groups that share a common history while living on both sides of a national border. These aspects of the era after the CPA are investigated by the following research projects.

The impact of the civil war on gender relations and eventual changes in these relations after the CPA are studied by the PhD student Esther Ikere Eluzai: 'Effects of the Civil War on Gender–based Violence: case study of the Anuaak and Nuer in Southern Sudan '. Using a theoretical framework of gender aspects in peace and conflict research, she deals with the question why gender-based violence, which had been prevalent throughout the civil war, persists after the CPA has been signed. With an ethnographic research in Upper Nile, Unity and Jonglei States , she studies the causes and contributing factors of gender-based violence and examines which impact the civil war in Sudan had on it. Then she looks into the consequences of the existence of gender-based violence for the gender relations amongst the Anuaak and Nuer and the wider society.
First findings show different forms and contests of gender-based violence. It occurred in the recruitment of children for the armed conflict within which the abduction of girls was common. It also prevailed in the frequent intra-community clashes that involved the militias in the Anuaak and Nuer communities and affected the lives of girl children and women in particular ways. The displacement of Anuaak and Nuer women and girls as a result of the armed conflict formed a further context of gender-based violence. In connection with the return of displaced people and refugees, forced marriages have become frequent because of resource-related factors. The need for cattle in order to re-establish an existence is the main factor for this pattern. The study also reveals that within marriages, wife beating has become a norm.
Against this context, Esther Ikere plans to investigate how political and civil society actors and organisations address this problem and finally, how the Nuer and Anuaak respond to mechanisms of dealing with gender-based violence and which attitudes they have towards them.

The historically orientated PhD research of Regassa Bayissa Sima: 'Impact of the Sudanese Peace Agreement on Ethiopia : the case of Gambella' also looks into the relationships between the Anuaak and Nuer, although predominantly those living across the border in Ethiopia . The study assesses the historical involvement of Ethiopia in the Sudanese civil war and the current inter-state relationships. The research focuses on the interaction of the different ethnic groups in Gambella, including the social, cultural and economic relations of the Southern Sudanese refugees with the local population. This is put into the context of the emergence of the Gambella Regional State and its relations with the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and the subsequent social, political and economic changes after the CPA.
The analysis shows that after the influx of the Southern Sudanese refugees into Gambella factional fighting intensified the already prevalent ethnic friction between the Anuaak and the Nuer of Gambella. This added a new dimension to the traditional resource-driven conflict between these groups. Most of the Sudanese refugees were Nuer with ethnic ties with the Nuer inhabitants in Gambella. The political changes in Ethiopia and the Sudan during the 1980s and 1990s brought about a transformation in the characteristics and intensity of the conflicts in Gambella region. These changes turned the local inter-ethnic conflict caused by the traditional competition over resources into a regionalised conflict which generated political instability in Gambella. During the protracted peace negotiations until the signing of the CPA, border violence along the Gambella / Jonglei State and Upper Nile border escalated. However, three years after the CPA increasing numbers of Southern Sudanese refugees are being repatriated from Gambella and the cross-border trade has been revived, revealing a diversification of cross border interaction which might have a stabilising impact on the area. Finally, based on the historical analysis, Regassa Sima intends to assess the question which impact the success or failure of the Sudan ’s CPA may have on the Gambella region.

The Master's research of John Moi Venus: 'Building of South Sudan in a Context of Conflict Resolution: discourses beyond ethnicity' tries to identify approaches on the part of the GOSS and civil society groups to overcome the tendency of further ethnic split-ups within Southern Sudan. The basis of this study is the report of Gore et al. published by UNICEF (2004) which considers the Greater Upper Nile Region as a ‘hotspot’ of grassroots conflicts. These comprise conflicts between Dinka and Nuer, Nuer and Murle and Dinka and Murle. Furthermore there are intra-ethnic conflicts amongst the Nuer and amongst the Dinka. The causes of the conflicts are described in three different discourses. One links them to a combination of social, political, economical and cultural determinants. A second discourse sticks to the 'ancient-hatreds' thesis which refers to the Nuer and Dinka as 'traditional enemies'. The third discourse uses a 'bounded rationality' approach elucidating the role of the elites in the South in fermenting the conflicts at grassroots level in order to pursue their own goals.
The study is to explore the potentials for resolving and transforming inter-ethnic and intra-ethnic conflicts in the three violence-prone Southern states of Upper Nile , Jonglei and Unity state. During field research, the issues of contention and discourses about them will be identified. Both conventional and traditional experiences and methods of conflict resolution will be examined and attempts will be made to gain insights into ethnic politics with particular consideration of the role of returnees. The guiding question is how can a structure of governance be built successfully in the face of these complexities of post-war conflict in a society that has long lost each other’s trust but are still a crucial part of the entity called South Sudan ? What kind of governance must be put in place in order for the state to have the monopoly of violence?

All these research projects relate to a holistic concept of human security which can be taken as the basis for policies and interventions that strive at a sustainable change in social relations. Inclusive strategies of consultation and problem solution in informal and relations-oriented ways that may build on old-established local ways of conflict resolution are required to remove oppressive social and gender relations as well as politicised inter-ethnic relations through non-violent social action. Such an approach is assumed to promote conditions which facilitate cooperative social relations that may be able to tackle the underlying causes of direct, cultural as well as structural violence (Reimann 2001, Senghaas 2001). At this point, the process of conflict resolution has the potential to turn into the formation of participatory governance structures.

After the CPA economic governance of the Sudan faces the challenge to revise a system that created structural social, gender, and ethnic inequality under the exclusive control of the predominantly Arab-Muslim elite. Especially in Southern Sudan capacities to implement economic policies and in particular fiscal and redistributional policies have to be built from scratch after the CPA. Planning and implementing infrastructure and social service delivery are crucial for development in all the marginalised areas in the Sudan which include the whole of Southern Sudan . The GOSS has the role to facilitate and attract investment of the private sector to rebuild the economy in the conflict areas and to establish new trade links between Southern Sudan and neighbouring countries, notably with East African countries and the Horn. Research projects related to these issues deal with the conditions for investment and the reconstruction of basic education in Southern Sudan .

The PhD research of Berhanu Denu: 'The Role of Institutions in Improving the Performance of Investment in South Sudan after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement' starts from a hypothesis generated from general empirical evidence. Accordingly the availability of increased resources such as oil revenues can result in sustainable economic growth if it is combined with better institutions. Specifically, investment performance can be improved if there is an institutional arrangement that limits the possibility of unpredictable change in government policy (see Clague 1997; Collier 1998; Collier / Hoeffler 1998).
Berhanu Denu applies a transaction cost approach in the framework of the New Institutional Economics in order to assess the relative efficiency of the institutional arrangement after the end of the long civil war in South Sudan . Primary data are collected in Khartoum , Juba and Bentiu / Unity State from entrepreneurs and official institutions.
The data analysis shows that the legal and policy framework are investment-friendly and provide the pre-conditions for growth in private investment. The GOSS adheres to the laws and policies issued. Mechanisms of good governance and law enforcement have been put in place. However, the lack of capacity causes limitations to implementation so that entrepreneurs face bureaucratic hurdles. The major obstacle for investment are the unfavourable conditions of infrastructure. The lack of appropriate physical and communication facilities leads to very high cost of doing business in Southern Sudan .
These preliminary results suggest that improved economic governance in Southern Sudan requires institutions that ensure demand-led investment facilitation through easily accessible connections between the private sector and the relevant government authorities. The capacities of the existing institutions are still inappropriate to reach this aim. Moreover, the economic actors of both the public and the private sector appear to be insufficiently focused towards enhancing the economic performance.

One of the prerequisites of a flourishing economy is a well-functioning educational system. Joseph Lodiong Lubajo addresses this issue in his Master's research on 'Basic Education and Training in South Sudan : current status, challenges and perspectives'. According to the plans of the GOSS, universal primary education is to be introduced in Southern Sudan within six years. This requires the reconstruction of the ruined education institutions and construction of more schools, but also the establishment of an appropriate organisational structure for the management of the education system at the levels of the nation, region, state, county and payam (lowest administrative unit). The study of Joseph Lodiong assesses the progress in the governance of the educational sector including the education policies and the participation of the local people and their organisations such as parents-teachers-associations and school management committees. Field research covers towns and villages in Upper Nile and Jonglei States in Southern Sudan , the data base consists of primary sources through interviews with stakeholders in education as well as offical documents and statistics of the government, UNICEF and other aid agencies.
Within this general framework, the focus of the research is on the question of the language of instruction. This greatly politicised issue reflects the power relations in the educational sector. For fifteen years the Government of Sudan had concentrated its policy of Arabisation and Islamisation in the educational system by imposing Arabic as the language of instruction throughout the Sudan . The GOSS aims to reverse this policy. It favours English as the language of instruction and plans to offer local languages at primary schools and Arabic as a lesson. However, this policy is contested, with variations between the counties of Southern Sudan , and its implementation faces numerous technical, bureaucratic, cultural and political challenges. These are exacerbated due to the return of refugees and IDPs who underwent different learning systems and were exposed to different languages of instruction in their host areas. The study investigates these aspects as well as related issues such as the resource allocation to basic education, measures against gender discrimination, programmes to assist war-affected children in their particular needs, efforts towards teachers' re-training in languages and the role of Southern Sudanese universities in implementing the educational policies.

The research projects in the fields of the economy and social services reveal that the activities of the stakeholders are badly coordinated. Duplication of efforts of aid agencies, the lack of ownership of government authorities, associations related to school management and economic actors are worrying consequences. Due to capacity bottlenecks, the implementation of the policies in these fields is very slow, the continuity of programmes that have been initiated is not guaranteed. Economic governance has still tremendous weaknesses that are yet to overcome.

The research projects about Kenyan and Ethiopian refugees and the conflicts involved largely cover the sub-regional impact of the CPA with regard to population movements and related national and international governance. Foreign investment by sub-regional and international economic actors is addressed by the research on the revival of the Southern Sudanese economy. The role of sub-regional institutions in peace building and ensuring sustainable peace is the research focus of the PhD project of George Katete: 'Regional Dimensions of, and Institutional Solutions to Sudan’s Civil War: 1990-2009'.
The point of departure of this study is the unique manner by which the CPA was ultimately realised in January 2005, following the past twenty-one year old intra-state war in the Sudan . Unlike other attempts to resolve violent conflicts that involved the use of vigorous military intervention by western states, a sub-regional approach to settle the North-South conflict was applied in Sudan . The aim of the research of George Katete is to establish the potentials of regionalism as a modern strategy of governance beyond the state, which aids in conflict resolution through an institutional model (see Checkel 1997; Finnemore / Sikkink 1998). The research deals with the general question if a regionally mediated peace agreement is a viable alternative of peace-making by which international military intervention can be avoided. The focus is on the institutional conditions that are required for such a model. Hence the case of the Sudanese North-South peace process is analysed with regard to both its particularities and its potentials for generalisation.
The analysis starts with an appraisal of the reasons why the Sudanese warring parties finally agreed with the provisions of the regionally mediated CPA. The role of the Inter-governmental Authority for Development IGAD in this respect is thoroughly investigated. Secondly the study examines to which extent the implementation of the provisions of the CPA satisfies the aims of the SPLA and the NCP, the parties which form the GONU. Finally the impact of the implementation of the CPA on the sub-regional and international politics and power relations as well as on the economic and market relations is investigated.
Based on a combined theoretical framework of regionalism and institutionalism, George Katete conducts a qualitative research through interviews with political and economic key actors and the study of relevant documents in Khartoum , Juba, Addis Ababa , Nairobi and Kampala . Obviously there is an emergence of numerous commissions, committees, liaison offices and inter-governmental organisations involving state actors who deal with the Sudan ’s political, economic and social destiny in an institutionalised manner. This suggests that the concept of institutionalism has been embraced as a ‘bridge’ to transforming conflicts into peace in the Greater Horn of Africa. On the other hand, the faltering process of implementation of the CPA, the low commitment of IGAD in monitoring the peace process, the enhanced armement of the SAF and the SPLA and armed confrontations along the north-south boundary altogether question the sustainability of the CPA and hence, the above conclusion. Detailed analyses of the sub-regional power relations and the involvement of the various state actors as well as the role of esternal economic interests are required in order to provide a conclusive assessment of the success or failure of this institutional model.

The political system forms the framework for wealth and power sharing, the key issues of the CPA. If the issue of political system is properly considered, it will lead to the discussion about the mutual/dialectical relationship between the existence/absence of democracy and the existence/absence of peace.

Situational analysis that considers the socio-economic and political peculiarities of the country is applied in Khartoum, South Kordofan and Malakal/Upper Nile States.

Background
Sudan, since its independence, witnessed only three democratic intervals (1956-58, 1964-69, and 1986-89) throughout a long history of military rule. These “democratic intervals” failed to provide a sustainable system of government and to achieve a sustainable peace in the country. The Southern, Western (DarFur and Kordofan), Eastern regions and the south of Blue Nile State were engulfed in armed conflicts. The question of political participation has almost been neglected in the long process of negotiations which aim at settling these conflicts. The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed by the Government of Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) in 2005 to end these conflicts, has given greater emphasis to wealth and power sharing. The neglect of the role of the political system in peace-building is an inconsideration of the total structure within which wealth and power sharing takes place. If the issue of the political system is properly considered, it will lead to the discussion about the dialectical relationship between the existence or absence of democracy and the existence or absence of peace.

General political participation is the core characteristic of democracies. The absence of this participation made the three democracies in Sudan to be only an instrument or a formula for maintaining the hegemony of the centre over the rest of the country, of the North over the South, and of the elite over the general population. Within this formula, democracy is just an electoral democracy where the people decide only which segment of the elite is to rule and fulfils the function of a plebiscite in so far as they accept or reject a particular power block.

The dynamics of Sudan’s politics reveals a tendency for democratic regimes to come to power through popular uprisings. These dynamics also reveal the dominance of elitist and centric “democracies” instead of “participatory” democracy or democracy at the local level. Can this explain why wealth and power are concentrated in the urban or central elitist domains and why civil conflicts and war continue?

This research endeavors to study political participation in relation to, or as a function of, the socio-economic relationships within the Sudan. The study aims at establishing the socio-economic determinants and frameworks that shape and explain the state of political participation in the country and finding out whether this participation is a general popular or an elitist one. It also investigates whether there is a geographical and cultural dimension to political participation in Sudan such that certain regions and/or communities are more involved in politics than others and why.

On the theoretical side, there is a lack of theorisation of political participation as one of the basic components of democracy and peace-making within the local and cultural African context. Hence, this study endeavors to rethink the concept of “political participation” beyond the abstractions of the classical and contemporary theories which view it as value-free, general and adequate to study the phenomenon cross-culturally. This research intends to look into the conceptualisation of political participation within diverse socio-cultural and regime contexts in Sudan. Democratisation and peace-building will be studied from the perspective of political participation. The research is intended to contribute to a methodology for tackling the issue of political participation and its links to sustainable peace in the African context.

In order to identify types of political participation in Sudan, existing ways of participation will be described on the basis of interviews with maximum varied population groups in South Kordofan, Upper Nile, Juba and Khartoum. What the interview partners consider as participation, will then be put into context appying a situational analysis method.

The time span of the research, 1986-2008, is chosen to cover three regimes: a democratic (1986-89) and a military one (1989-2005), which are being compared as representing political dynamics within the “Old Sudan”, and the third one being the transformation to “New Sudan”.

1 Theoretical Framework
- provides a review of the main concepts of the study, criticism of the theories connected to these concepts, an explanation of the methodology and methods of data collection.

2 The Situation of Political Participation
- gives an analytical introduction to the economic, social and political situation, framework and structures within which political participation takes place in Sudan.

3 The Sudanese Conception of Political Participation
investigates how the Sudanese people conceptualise the term.

4 Elite or Popular Political Participation
- establishes whether political participation in Sudan is an elitist or popular type of participation by investigating participation from the central down to the local level in the administrative framework of Sudan.

5 Centre or Periphery
- studies political participation across varied regions within Sudan.

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Participation in Decision Making Processes Regarding Land Issues in the Local Governance in South Kordofan and Upper Nile States

Supervisors: Dr Balghis Badri (Ahfad University for Women, Omdurman), Dr Elke Grawert (University of Bremen)

One of the core causes of civil war in Sudan was the lack of equality and justice in land allocation/distribution. The central government had the hegemony over decision making of land allocation, marginalizing the state and local governance structures. According to the CPA of 2005, a decentralized system is to be introduced within which the governments of the states and local governments are provided with the power over land allocation. In every state of Sudan, land commissions are to judge on claims over land and compensation, review existing land leases and contracts and examine criteria for land allocation. However, nearly three years after the CPA has been signed, local and state land commissions are not in place and land is not being re-allocated. It is assumed that political, economic and cultural challenges contribute to this failure. Continuation of weak governance structures, exclusion of significant actors from decision making over land allocation and unresolved land conflicts are a threat to peace and development.

With a combined actor-oriented and institutionalist approach; organizations, actors and rules are studied with qualitative methods of research in South Kordofan and Upper Nile States.

The Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005 has stipulated structures to review land laws and policies, to deal with land and land resources in order to rule out arbitrary land claims, and to agree on compensations. These provisions have been integrated in the interim National Constitution of 2005 and the State Constitutions. However, implementation of these regulations appears to be a problem. The causes for this require more knowledge about the decision-making processes on land issues at the local level.

- who is involved in decision-making about land allocation, compensation and dealing with land resources,

- which actors or institutions undermine the implementation of the regulations of the CPA regarding land for which reasons.

This may lead to insights that can be generalised for resource conflicts underlying civil wars and violent conflicts and that can help to adopt more appropriate and sustainable ways of resolving complex conflicts.

The research adopts a governance approach which focuses on rules, organisations and actors. Methods of research are guideline interviews with relevant stakeholders and observation.

· The main finding of the study is that, in spite of the requirements set up by the CPA, the previous structures and old laws are still existing and executed. There is no change in land laws at the national, state and local levels to deal with discriminatory and oppressive practices of land allocation which contributed significantly to the outbreak of conflict in South Kordofan. Customary laws have not yet been integrated in the policies and programmes of land allocation. Thus the local population tends to resist government interventions in their areas and lands.

· Moreover, there is no clear separation of power and specialisation of institutions dealing with land allocation at the state and local level.

· Actors involved in decisions about land allocation are government officials, native leaders, popular committees and youth groups. Those groups are recognised as pro-government groups, that is, as working for the interest of the government not the citizens. Elected representatives are excluded.

· As a consequence, large parts of the community are affected negatively. This pertains in particular to the farmers and pastoralists.

· Although the government claims that land is distributed on equal bases to returnees and local people, in fact priority is given to those who have the economic and political power and / or those who pay more.

· Women, despite the effort to include them in plans of land allocation, suffer de jure and de facto from discriminatory practices. They are not entitled to register for land by their names. Land is registered by their husbands’ or sons’ names. Therefore, women are not allowed to sell land or undertake any legal transactions.

· Despite rules and regulations are there, decisions on land allocation to specific groups or individuals are made on the basis of personal relations and access of that group to government officials.

· Further factors that are considered when policy makers distribute land are the political instability, the existence of militia groups, the government interest, economic needs of the federal and state government and the tribal and ethnic structure of the society.

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Aspects of Violence against Women amongst the Nilotic Groups in Southern Sudan

Esther Ikere Eluzai, University of Juba, Social Anthropology (PhD)
Supervisors: Prof. Venansio Tombe Mulidang, Prof. Al-Tayeb Wani Sule (University of Juba)

Women had been victims of the brutal civil war in Sudan, which was ended after the signature of the CPA in January 2005. However, gender-based violence (GBV) persists. How has the civil war in Sudan influenced the incidence of GBV, which are the root causes and contributing factors, and which consequences has GBV on gender relations and the wider society? Which mechanisms of dealing with GBV have been introduced? What are the responses and attitudes of the Nuer and the Anuaak towards these mechanisms?

Starting from theories of gender – based violence in conflict societies, an ethnographic research strategy based on observation, participant observation and guideline interviews is applied in Upper Nile, Unity, Jonglei states.

This thesis is about the effect of the civil war on gender-based violence (GBV), case study of the Anuaak and Nuer in Southern Sudan. It will examine how the civil war in Sudan has influenced the incidence of GBV, investigate the root causes and the contributing factors. The study also addresses the consequences of GBV on gender relations and the wider society, mechanisms of dealing with GBV and the response and attitudes of the Nuer and the Anuaak towards these mechanisms.

The vital question in this study is what are the main gaps and challenges of addressing GBV. The challenge is that adequate appropriate and comprehensive prevention and response strategies are lacking, little attention is paid or nothing is done to bring perpetrators to justice. Hence there is a need to identify the root causes and the contributing factors of GBV.

a. To examine and identify the root causes of GBV and the (escalating) effects of the civil war on GBV among the Anuaak and the Nuer

b. To find out the prevalence of GBV among the Anuaak and the Nuer both during the conflict and in the post-conflict setting.

c. To examine the interrelationship between the different forms of GBV in terms of their impact and consequences on women’s lives.

In this study participant observation which involves the gathering information by living among people is the central ethnographic method for data collection. This strategy is supplemented with both structured and semi-structured interviews. Other supplementary methods include case studies, life histories, social network studies and recording oral traditions. Stratified sampling is employed according to important variables such as gender and ethnicity and controlled in order to allocate the sampling unit to the groups under study.

Ethnographic analysis will be employed based on the interview data. Other analysis techniques include analysis of oral traditions through tape recording.

Chapter one is about the background of the topic, statement, justification, research hypothesis, objective significance of the study, thesis structure and the limitations.

Chapter four focuses on the ethnographic connection between the Anuaak and the Nuer.

Chapter seven is the summary of the findings, conclusion and recommendations, followed by the bibliography.

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The Role of Reverse Migration for Socio-cultural Change in the Nuba Mountains and Unity State

After the end of the civil war between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army, a comprehensive process of return, resettlement and rehabilitation of internally displaced people (IDPs) is taking place. What have the returnees learnt and adopted while they were in exile? What have they incorporated in their current livelihood, practices and concerns after return? How do the ethnic groups manage to co-exist peacefully after the CPA? In which fields does the CPA realize and satisfy the hopes and aspirations of returnees?

Based on a social geography approach, population movements and socio-economic and cultural implications are studied with quantitative and qualitative methods in the Nuba Mountains/South Kordofan and Bentiu/Unity State.

This research deals with the return, resettlement and rehabilitation of internally displaced people after the civil war between the Government of Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) which was ended by signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005.

Internal return migration is a relatively new research area, referring to the movement of people who return to their countries of origin or habitual place of residence after spending a long time in another place within a country or beyond its border (King1986, IDMC 2007).

Migration brings about social change in the lives of the migrants and to the recipient societies. Although social change is in fact a part of human society as it occurs in the process of relation building between populations, the degree of change differs from one society to another (Al-Hadi 1995, Al-Dagass 1996).

Migration with its various types is considered as one of the major factors behind socio-economic and cultural change. Several scholars consider internal migration in Sudan as a consequence of the development model of both colonial and post-colonial Sudan. Migration and displacement are seen as the logical outcome of a development model that for decades concentrated on the modern-urban sector at the expense of the traditional-rural sector. Regional marginalization, based on historical, social, ethnic, cultural and religious factors, created the major divide between the people in Sudan. This resulted in civil war and armed conflict, drought, desertification and famine (Komey 2005).

The civil war was extended to the Nuba Mountains in the end of 1989 because of the same reasons that led to civil war in South Sudan. According to these reasons people were forced to move from their homeland to more secure areas. Mass internal migration (displacement) of people was mainly directed towards urban areas, particularly Greater Khartoum, in search of security, shelter and employment. The CPA brought an end to these wars and conflicts and people started to return back to their homeland according to the CPA that stipulates the right to repatriation, resettlement and rehabilitation.

Return migration from urban to rural areas in the Nuba Mountains and Unity State are assumed to induce significant socio-economic, cultural, political and environmental changes in the receiving local societies.

● What are the new social, economic and cultural aspects brought by the returnees?

● Which new social and cultural aspects of life are introduced through the daily interaction between the returnees and the local communities?

● In which fields does the CPA realize, achieve and satisfy the hopes and aspirations of the returnees?

● To assess the trend of population mobility, its size and reasons for return migration

● To identify the features of economic and socio-cultural change induced by the returnees in the local societies

● To establish the mechanisms used by returnees to adapt themselves to, or cope with, their environment

● To deepen our understanding and insights in aspects related to the theories and dynamics of return migration.

This research is guided by a social theory approach in the framework of social geography. Given the complexity and multi-dimensional nature of the research theme, an inter-disciplinary approach is adopted in addition to ensure a proper analysis of different socio-cultural and economic phenomena.

In order to attain the objectives of the study, descriptive methods are used to assess geographical location and the dynamics of population movement. Socio-cultural and economic change is investigated using variables such as language, education, income, type of housing, traditions and beliefs. Further methods aplied are observation and interviews, in particular qualitative interviews with key informants and questionnaires for quantitative surveys, besides secondary data.

Al-Dagass, M. (1996): Social Change between Practice and Theory. Majdalowy House for Publication and Distribution, Jordan.

Al- Hadi, A. (1995): Sociology and Development. College of Art, University of Khartoum, Sudan.

IDMC - Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (2007), www.internal-displacement.org

King, R. (1986): Return Migration and Regional Problems. Croom Helm Australia Ltd.

Komey, G. (2005): Regional Disparity in National Development of the Sudan and Its Impact on Nation Building: with reference to the peripheral region of the Nuba Mountains. University of Khartoum, Sudan.

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Supervisors: Professor Tesema Ta’a (University of Addis Ababa), Professor Mustafa Babiker (University of Khartoum)

The historical process of cause and effect and change and continuity has a direct bearing on the recurrence of violent conflicts in the sub-region. The political developments in Ethiopia (regime change in 1991) and Sudan (the CPA) had changed the nature, intensity and scope of local conflicts in the Gambella region.

Findings:

The long civil war in the Sudan (1955-1972 and 1983-2005) which caused large-scale death, displacement and material, social and environmental destruction affected the Sudan’s neighbors in many ways. Thousands of refugees fled to the Gambella region of Ethiopia, insurgent military bases were established, and factional fighting took place in the region. So far there is no major study which identified the impact of the Sudan’s civil war on Gambella region and society. This research intends to narrow the gap, analysing the changes taking place in Gambella after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).

● What are the main features of inter-state relations (cooperations or conflicts) between Ethiopia and the Sudan at varying times?

● What are the root causes and the external dimensions of the Sudan’s civil war?

● What are the historically rooted cultural, social and economic relations between the peoples of Gambella and particular ethnic groups in the Southern Sudan?

● What are the links between the war in the Sudan and the recurrent violent conflicts and socio-economic crises in the Gambella region of Ethiopia?

● What would be the effects of the success or failure of the CPA on the Gambella region?

The main objective of the study is to establish the overall economic, political, social, and ecological spillover effects of the Sudan’s war and the CPA on the Gambella people and region. The study also attempts to explore some specific objectives:

● Assess the international dimensions and implications of the Sudan’s war in the inter-state relations, and explore how the war in the Sudan has been affected by Ethiopia

● Investigate the root causes and characteristics of the conflicts between different ethnic groups in Gambella

● Appraise the social, cultural, and economic relations of South Sudanese refugees with the local population of Gambella and examine the effect of the presence of the refugees in Gambella on the eco-system of the region

● Analyse the emergence of the Gambella Regional State and its relations with the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) as well as the prospects and challenges

A lot of studies on the civil war in the Sudan, on causes and complexities of contemporary conflicts, some studies on the longstanding ethnic conflicts in Gambella region and on the Ethio-Sudan relations have been thoroughly reviewed for the proposed research. One result has been that the Northern and the Southern Sudanese writers have differing points of view on the causes of the civil war in the Sudan. For the Northern scholars it was the British colonial administration which brought deep structural tensions (all evils) to the Sudan. The other group of writers, most of them the Southern exile politicians and Southern academics, describe the Sudan conflict as a confrontation between the Northern and Southern cultures defined by blood lines, “Arabs vs Africans”. These scholars emphasize the continuous attempts of the northern leadership to instill its values, religion and culture on the whole Sudan as the source of antagonistic North-South relations.

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The Role of Institutions in Improving the Performance of Investment in South Sudan after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement

According to empirical evidence, the availability of increased resources, e.g. from extraction of natural resources, can result in sustainable economic growth if they are combined with better institutions. Specifically, investment performance can be improved if there is an institutional arrangement that limits the possibility of unpredictable change in government policy.

The transaction cost approach is used to see the relative efficiency of the institutional arrangement after the end of the long civil war in South Sudan, based on data collected in Khartoum, Juba, Unity State.

This study is being undertaken with the ultimate objective of suggesting the type of institutional arrangements that help improve the performance of the economy in South Sudan after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) South Sudan is divided into 10 administrative states with an estimated population of about 10 million. The government of South Sudan (GOSS) is an interim government as per the CPA. South Sudan is endowed with abundant oil and water resources. Two of the research sites are in South Sudan. The remaining one is Khartoum.

This study aims at analyzing the relationship between the institutional environment and private investment performance in South Sudan, a country which has newly emerged out of long years of conflict and does not have a full sovereign position yet. The country needs to undertake massive reconstruction measures to reduce poverty, achieve internationally set development goals and achieve sustainable peace. The required improved performance of the economy as a whole requires growth friendly institutional arrangements the information about which is lacking currently in South Sudan. This study is undertaken to generate information on the current institutional conditions in South Sudan with the objective of suggesting the adoption of the appropriate growth friendly institutions.

The main objective of the study is to identify institutional arrangements that improve the performance of private investment in Sudan.

The conceptual framework for analysis in this study is the New Institutional Economics (NIE), which holds the view that institutions matter most in the process of economic development. In contrast to the method of Neoclassical Economics, which assumes institutions as exogenously given, the present study analyzes institutions as endogenous variables that explain the performance of the economy. Regression analysis which employs measures of institutional quality obtained from such sources like International Country Risk Guidance (ICRG) of the Political Risk Services International (PSR-group), World Wide Governance Indicators (published by the World Bank), and Index of Economic Freedom by Heritage Foundation. For South Sudan, the cost of starting and running a formal business firm will be used as a proxy measure for the cost of doing business. In general, the approach will apply an analysis of the relationship between investors or potential investors and governance institutions from the viewpoint of Transaction Cost Economics (Williamson, 1985) in South Sudan.

Williamson, Oliver (1985): The Economic Institutions of Capitalism. New York, Free Press.

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Regional Dimensions of, and Institutional Solutions to Sudan’s Civil War: 1990-2009

The manner by which the CP was ultimately realized on the January 9^th 2005, following the past twenty-one year old intra-state war in the Sudan, is unique. Unlike other attempts to resolve violent conflicts that involved the use of vigorous military intervention by the western states within Eastern Africa region, a regional approach to solve the North-South conflict was applied in Sudan. The aim of this research is to establish the potentials of regionalism as a modern strategy of governance beyond the state, which aids in conflict resolution through an institutional model.

Based on a combined theoretical framework of regionalism and institutionalism, a qualitative research is conducted, including interviews with key actors and analysis of relevant documents, in Khartoum, Juba, Addis Ababa, Nairobi, Kampala.

The manner by which a Peace Agreement was ultimately realised on January 9^th 2005, following the past twenty-one year old intra-state war in the Sudan, is unique, particularly during this era of International Humanitarian Intervention. Unlike other attempts to resolve violent conflicts that involved the use of vigorous military intervention by the Western states within the region of Eastern Africa, as in Somalia or Rwanda[1], the same mechanism was not attempted for the case of Sudan’s north-south conflict. This conflict was not less fierce, the war had a high death toll and caused massive refugee spill-overs to the neighbouring countries.

What made the international community not take military actions? Did the International Community for the first time in the post-Cold War era comply with the principle of state sovereignty and non-intervention as provided by the Charter of the United Nations? Which mechanisms necessitated the realisation of a peaceful resolution of the Sudan’s north-south conflicts, and how workable is this mechanism?

The regionally mediated Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which was signed by the then two rivalling parties of Sudan (the leadership of the SPLA and the Government of Sudan) in Nairobi, Kenya, ended the Africa’s longest fought civil war. Despite this achievement, it remains premature to make a solid conclusion that the CPA has successfully brought the conflict to a complete end.[2]

· Is a regionally mediated peace agreement a viable alternative of peace-making by which international military intervention can be avoided?

· Why did the Sudanese warring parties finally agree with the provisions of the regionally mediated CPA of 2005?

· How far does the implementation of the provisions of the Sudan’s CPA satisfy the SPLA and the NCP, both parties who form the Government of national Unity according to the CPA ?

· How does the implementation of the Sudanese CPA impact on politics and power as well as on economic and market relations at regional levels and internationally?

In the scholarly discourse, studies on regionalism as a new initiative of conflict resolution in the Greater Horn of Africa have almost been neglected. Therefore, this study aims to establish the emergence and potentiality of regionalism as a modern strategy of governance beyond the state in the Eastern Africa region. It is assumed that this approach aids in conflict resolution through an institutional model.

This research therefore focuses on the past and current events in Sudan and its neighbouring states in order to, firstly, scientifically establish what role the neighbouring states played in the conflicts in Sudan (regional dimensions of the Sudan’s war)[3].

Secondly, it will explore how the regional body known as Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), with the support from the UN, nurtures peace (institutional solutions).

Thirdly, it will examine how the implementation of the CPA is affecting the regional power relations and market forces.

Moreover, spill-over effects to the international politics and international markets will be investigated (issues surrounding the CPA implementation in post-conflict Sudan). Besides this, an assessment of the future political-economic relations in the Greater Horn will be provided.

Empirical methods and theoretical approaches will be applied. Primary data are being collected through interviews with political actors and institutions involved in cross-border peace initiatives, trade and investment and with international non-governmental organisations that have a stake in reconstruction initiatives in the Sudan. Observation and possibly group interviews will be conducted during meetings with government officials from authorities involved in issues of governance in Sudan.

Structured questionnaires will be distributed whenever there are no opportunities to directly meet the interviewees. Focused group discussions and observation are further methods applied in this exercise of collecting primary information during the CPA implementation.

Other methods for generating data include browsing for more information from reliable internet home pages concerning interaction between Sudan and other countries in the region and internationally. Newspapers and other relevant articles focusing on implementation of the Sudanese CPA are other target sources for getting more information. Review of the literature is a continuous exercise in this study. The primary data will be analyzed using the tools of content analysis.

On the other hand, explanations about the changing methods of conflict resolution will be sought by applying three theories of International Relations in a complementary way. These theories are institutionalism, constructivism and regionalism. The core assumption common to these theories is that aggressive acts can be resolved through diplomatic negotiations embedded in institutional models and not through the adoption of violent military means.

Abiew, Francis (1999): The Evolution of the Doctrine and Practice of Humanitarian Intervention. The Hague: Kluwer.

Kiir, Salva (2007): Speech on the 9^th of January 2007 during the inauguration ceremony of the second anniversary of the CPA. Unpublished paper.

[1] The United States intervened militarily in Somalia in 1991-92 to help resolve the intra-state war fuelled by the Somali warlords, while in 1994, France was authorised by the UN to intervene and help stop the Rwandan genocide. Both cases involved the western states taking part vigorously in internal affairs of African states. However in Sudan, no military intervention was enforced proving its uniqueness. For case analysis of these interventions, see Abiew (1999): 159-175, 189-200.

[2] Incidences surrounding the implementation of the peace agreement already suggest that one party to the agreement, the National Congress Party of President Omar al-Bashir (NCP) is not acting consistent to the peace agreement provisions. The speech of the President of Southern Sudan Salva Kiir during the inauguration of the 2^nd anniversary of the CPA on the 9^th of January 2007 highlights major setbacks in the implementation of the CPA (see also Grawert / Battahani 2007).

[3] The neighbouring states which this research focuses on include Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda and Sudan itself.

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Basic Education and Training in South Sudan: current status, challenges and perspectives

Government in Sudan after the Peace Agreement 2005: the implementation of power sharing

Southern Sudanese Children between Socialisation in Kenya and Re-socialisation in Sudan

Identity and Citizenship in Post-conflict Reform and Reintegration: the case of Southern Sudan

Effects of Social Networks on Livelihoods in Exile and Return: the case of Southern Sudanese refugees in Kenya

Building of South Sudan in a Context of Conflict Resolution: discourses beyond ethnicity

Ahmed, Abdel Ghaffar Mohamed: The Darfur Crisis: Mapping the Root Causes, in: Ahmed, A. G. M. / Manger, Leif (eds) (2006): Understanding the Crisis in Darfur : Listening to Sudanese Voices. Bergen : BRIC: 10-19.

Al-Dagass, M. (1996): Social Change between Practice and Theory. Jordan : Majdalowy House for publication and distribution.

Al- Hadi, A. (1995): Sociology and Development. Khartoum : College of Art , University of Khartoum .

Armstrong, J. A. (1982) Nations Before Nationalism. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Berhanu, Kassahun (forthcoming): Abyei: The Litmus Test for the Successful Implementation of the CPA, in: Grawert, Elke (ed.): After the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan , 2005: Signs of Change? London : James Currey.

Boyden, Jo (1990): Children and Policy Makers: A Comparative Perspective on the Globalization of Childhood, in: James, A. / Prout, A. (eds): Constructing and Reconstructing Childhood: Contemporary Issues in the Sociological Study of Childhood. London / Washington DC : Falmer Press.

Chambers, Robert / Conway, Gordon (1991): Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: Practical Concepts for the 21st Century. Sussex : Institute for Development Studies.

Checkel, Jeffrey T. (1997): International Norms and Domestic Politics: Bridging the Rationalist-Constructivist Divide, in: European Journal of International Relations 3: 473-495.

Clague, Christopher (ed.) (1997): Institutions and Economic Development: Growth and Governance in Less-Developed Countries and Post-Socialist Counties . Baltimore : John Hopkins University Press.

Clarke, Adele E. (2005): Situational Analysis: Grounded Theory After the Post-modern Turn. Thousand Oaks , California : Sage Publications.

Collier, Paul (1998): The Role of the State in Economic Development: Cross Regional Experiences, in: Journal of African Economics, Vol. 7, supplement 2: 38-76.

Collier, Paul / Hoeffler, A. (1998): On Economic Causes of Civil Wars, in: Oxford Economic Papers, 50: 563-73.

El-Battahani, Atta H. (2002): Elections and Northern Hegemony in Sudan , in: Cowen, Michael / Laakso, Liisa (eds): Elections in Africa . London .

Ellis, Frank (2000): Rural Livelihoods and Diversity in Developing Countries, Oxford : Oxford University Press.

Finnemore, Martha / Sikkink, Kathryn (1998): International Norm Dynamics and Political Change, in: International Organization 52 (4): 887-918.

Gore, Paul Wani, Balla, A. H., Ayoub, M.M.T., Musa, A. S., Wadi, E. I. A., Osman, O. M., Adam, M., Dhal, A. M. (2004) Eight Grassroots Conflicts in Sudan, Khartoum: UNICEF.

Grawert, Elke (2007): The Aid Business in South Sudan after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, in: Bass, Hans-Heinrich / Knedlik, Tobias / Meyn, Mareike / Wiegand-Kottisch, Maren (eds): Economic Systems in a Changing World Economy. Berlin / London / New Brunswick : Lit Verlag: 387-402.

Migdal, Joel S. (2001): State in Society. Studying how states and societies transform and constitute one another. Cambridge.

Nie, Norman / Powel, G. Bingham / Prewitt, Kenneth (1969): Social Structure and Political Participation: Developmental Relationship, in: American Political Science Review, Vol. 63 No. 2: 361-378, and No. 4: 808-832.

Omosa, Mary/Katumanga, M. (2004): Leadership and the Politics of Nation State in Kenya : Searching for a vision, balancing interests and navigating realities. UNESCO Chair, University of Nairobi .

Reimann, Cordula (2001): Towards Conflict Transformation: Assessing the State-of-the-art in Conflict Management - Reflections from a Theoretical Perspective, in: Berghof Handbook for Conflict Transformation, www.berghof-handbook.net/%2farticles%2freimann_handbook.pdf.

Rogowski, R. (1974). Rational Legitimacy: A Theory of Political Support. Princeton : University Press.

Senghaas, Dieter (2001): Civilizing Conflict: Constructive Pacifism as a Guiding Notion for Conflict Transformation, in: Berghof Handbook for Conflict Transformation, www.berghof-handbook.net/articles/senghaas_handbook.pdf.

Verba, Sidney / Nie, Norman H. / Kim, Jae-on (1978): Participation and Political Equality: A Seven-Nation Comparison. New York : Cambridge University Press.

Wassara, Samson Samuel (forthcoming): The CPA and Beyond: Prospects for Peaceful Coexistence in the Nuba Mountains , in: Grawert, Elke (ed.): After the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan , 2005: Signs of Change? London : James Currey.